Md Che Significa Film
( m. 1959)ChildrenHilda (1956–1995)(born 1960)Camilo (born 1962)Celia (born 1963)Ernesto (born 1965)Parent(s)Ernesto Guevara LynchCelia de la Serna y LlosaSignatureErnesto ' Che' Guevara (; Spanish: June 14, 1928 – October 9, 1967) was an Argentine, author, leader,. A major figure of the, his stylized visage has become a ubiquitous symbol of and global insignia.As a young, Guevara traveled throughout and was radicalized by the poverty, hunger and disease he witnessed. His burgeoning desire to help overturn what he saw as the capitalist exploitation of Latin America by the United States prompted his involvement in 's social reforms under President, whose eventual at the behest of the solidified Guevara's political ideology. Later in, Guevara met and, joined their and sailed to Cuba aboard the yacht with the intention of overthrowing U.S.-backed Cuban dictator. Guevara soon rose to prominence among the, was promoted to second in command and played a pivotal role in the victorious two-year guerrilla campaign that deposed the Batista regime.Following the, Guevara performed a number of key roles in the new government.
These included reviewing the appeals and for those convicted as during the, instituting as minister of industries, helping spearhead a successful nationwide, serving as both national bank president and instructional director for, and traversing the globe as a diplomat on behalf of Cuban socialism. Such positions also allowed him to play a central role in training the militia forces who repelled the, and bringing to Cuba, which precipitated the 1962. Additionally, Guevara was a prolific writer and diarist, composing a seminal on, along with a best-selling about his youthful. His experiences and studying of led him to posit that the 's and was an intrinsic result of, and, with the only remedy being.
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Guevara left Cuba in 1965 to foment revolution abroad, first in and later, where he was captured by -assisted Bolivian forces and.Guevara remains both a revered and reviled historical figure, polarized in the collective imagination in a, memoirs, essays, documentaries, songs and films. As a result of his perceived, poetic invocations for and desire to create the consciousness of a 'new man' driven by moral rather than material incentives, Guevara has evolved into a quintessential icon of various movements. Magazine named him one of the people of the 20th century, while an photograph of him, titled (shown), was cited by the as 'the most famous photograph in the world'. 22-year-old Guevara in 1951Guevara learned from his father, and began participating in local tournaments by the age of 12. During adolescence and throughout his life he was passionate about poetry, especially that of,.
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He could also recite 's ' and 's by heart. The Guevara home contained more than 3,000 books, which allowed Guevara to be an enthusiastic and eclectic reader, with interests including,. Additionally, he enjoyed the works of, and; as well as, and.As he grew older, he developed an interest in the Latin American writers,. Many of these authors' ideas he cataloged in his own handwritten notebooks of concepts, definitions, and philosophies of influential intellectuals.
These included composing analytical sketches of and, along with examining on love and patriotism, on society and on the idea of death. 's ideas fascinated him as he quoted him on a variety of topics from and to and the. His favorite subjects in school included philosophy, engineering, history and.Years later, a declassified CIA 'biographical and personality report' dated February 13, 1958 made note of Guevara's wide range of academic interests and intellect, describing him as 'quite well read' while adding that 'Che is fairly intellectual for a Latino.'
Motorcycle journey. Guevara (right) with (left) in June 1952 on the aboard their 'Mambo-Tango' wooden raft, which was a gift from the whom they had treatedIn 1948, Guevara entered the to study medicine. His 'hunger to explore the world' led him to intersperse his collegiate pursuits with two long introspective journeys that fundamentally changed the way he viewed himself and the contemporary economic conditions in Latin America. The first expedition in 1950 was a 4,500-kilometer (2,800 mi) solo trip through the rural provinces of on a bicycle on which he installed a small engine. This was followed in 1951 by a nine-month, 8,000-kilometer (5,000 mi) continental motorcycle trek through part of South America. For the latter, he took a year off from his studies to embark with his friend, with the final goal of spending a few weeks volunteering at the San Pablo in, on the banks of the. A map of Guevara's 1952 trip with (the red arrows correspond to air travel)In, Guevara found himself enraged by the working conditions of the miners in 's copper mine and moved by his overnight encounter in the with a persecuted couple who did not even own a blanket, describing them as 'the shivering flesh-and-blood victims of capitalist exploitation'.
Additionally, on the way to high in the, he was struck by the crushing poverty of the remote rural areas, where peasant farmers worked small plots of land owned by wealthy landlords. Later on his journey, Guevara was especially impressed by the camaraderie among those living in a leper colony, stating, 'The highest forms of human solidarity and loyalty arise among such lonely and desperate people.' Guevara used notes taken during this trip to write an account, titled, which later became a, and was adapted into a 2004.
Main articles:, and Invasion, warfare, and Santa ClaraThe first step in Castro's revolutionary plan was an assault on Cuba from Mexico via the, an old, leaky. They set out for Cuba on November 25, 1956. Attacked by Batista's military soon after landing, many of the 82 men were either killed in the attack or executed upon capture; only 22 found each other afterwards. During this initial bloody confrontation Guevara laid down his medical supplies and picked up a box of ammunition dropped by a fleeing comrade, proving to be a symbolic moment in Che's life. Guevara atop a mule in, Cuba, November 1958Only a small band of revolutionaries survived to re-group as a bedraggled fighting force deep in the mountains, where they received support from the network of, the 26th of July Movement, and local campesinos.
With the group withdrawn to the Sierra, the world wondered whether Castro was alive or dead until early 1957 when the interview by appeared in The New York Times. The article presented a lasting, almost mythical image for Castro and the guerrillas. Guevara was not present for the interview, but in the coming months he began to realize the importance of the media in their struggle.
Meanwhile, as supplies and morale diminished, and with an allergy to mosquito bites which resulted in agonizing walnut-sized on his body, Guevara considered these 'the most painful days of the war'.During Guevara's time living hidden among the poor of the Sierra Maestra mountains, he discovered that there were no schools, no electricity, minimal access to healthcare, and more than 40 percent of the adults were. As the war continued, Guevara became an integral part of the rebel army and 'convinced Castro with competence, diplomacy and patience'. Guevara set up factories to make grenades, built ovens to bake bread, and organized schools to teach illiterate campesinos to read and write. Moreover, Guevara established health clinics, workshops to teach military tactics, and a newspaper to disseminate information. The man whom dubbed three years later 'Castro's brain' at this point was promoted by to Comandante (commander) of a second army column.As second in command, Guevara was a harsh disciplinarian who sometimes shot defectors. Deserters were punished as traitors, and Guevara was known to send squads to track those seeking to go.
As a result, Guevara became feared for his brutality and ruthlessness. During the guerrilla campaign, Guevara was also responsible for the sometimes of a number of men accused of being,. In his diaries, Guevara described the first such execution of, a peasant army guide who admitted treason when it was discovered he accepted the promise of ten thousand pesos for repeatedly giving away the rebel's position for attack by the Cuban air force. Such information also allowed Batista's army to burn the homes of peasants sympathetic to the revolution. Upon Guerra's request that they 'end his life quickly', Che stepped forward and shot him in the head, writing 'The situation was uncomfortable for the people and for Eutimio so I ended the problem giving him a shot with a.32 pistol in the right side of the brain, with exit orifice in the right temporal lobe.' His scientific notations and matter-of-fact description, suggested to one biographer a 'remarkable detachment to violence' by that point in the war.
Later, Guevara published a literary account of the incident, titled 'Death of a Traitor', where he transfigured Eutimio's betrayal and pre-execution request that the revolution 'take care of his children', into a 'revolutionary about redemption through sacrifice'. (Right to left) rebel leader, Cuban President, and Guevara (January 1959)The first major political crisis arose over what to do with the captured Batista officials who had perpetrated the worst of the repression.
During the rebellion against Batista's dictatorship, the general command of the rebel army, led by Fidel Castro, introduced into the territories under its control the 19th-century penal law commonly known as the Ley de la Sierra (Law of the Sierra). This law included the death penalty for serious crimes, whether perpetrated by the Batista regime or by supporters of the revolution. In 1959 the revolutionary government extended its application to the whole of the republic and to those it considered war criminals, captured and tried after the revolution. According to the Cuban Ministry of Justice, this latter extension was supported by the majority of the population, and followed the same procedure as those in the held by the after World War II. Guevara visiting the in 1959On June 12, 1959, Castro sent Guevara out on a three-month tour of 14 mostly countries (Morocco, Sudan, Egypt, Syria, Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka, Burma, Thailand, Japan, Greece) and the cities of Singapore and Hong Kong. Sending Guevara away from Havana allowed Castro to appear to distance himself from Guevara and his sympathies, which troubled both the United States and some of the members of Castro's July 26 Movement.
While in, Guevara visited Indonesian president to discuss the recent and to establish trade relations between their two countries. The two men quickly bonded, as Sukarno was attracted to Guevara's energy and his relaxed informal approach; moreover they shared revolutionary aspirations against. Guevara next spent 12 days in Japan (July 15–27), participating in negotiations aimed at expanding Cuba's trade relations with that country. During the visit he refused to visit and lay a wreath at Japan's commemorating soldiers lost during, remarking that the Japanese 'imperialists' had 'killed millions of Asians'. Instead, Guevara stated that he would visit, where the American military had an 14 years earlier. Despite his denunciation of, Guevara considered a 'macabre clown' for the bombings, and after visiting Hiroshima and its he sent back a postcard to Cuba stating, 'In order to fight better for peace, one must look at Hiroshima.'
Upon Guevara's return to Cuba in September 1959, it became evident that Castro now had more political power. The government had begun land seizures in accordance with the agrarian reform law, but was hedging on compensation offers to landowners, instead offering low-interest 'bonds', a step which put the United States on alert. At this point the affected wealthy cattlemen of mounted a campaign against the land redistributions and enlisted the newly-disaffected rebel leader, who along with the anti-Communist wing of the 26th of July Movement, joined them in denouncing 'Communist encroachment'. During this time Dominican dictator was offering assistance to the ' which was training in the Dominican Republic.
This multi-national force, composed mostly of Spaniards and Cubans, but also of Croatians, Germans, Greeks, and right-wing mercenaries, was plotting to topple Castro's new regime. Guevara was like a father to me. He educated me. He taught me to think. He taught me the most beautiful thing which is to be human.—Urbano (a.k.a.
Leonardo Tamayo),fought with Guevara in Cuba and BoliviaAlong with land reform, Guevara stressed the need for national improvement in. Before 1959 the official literacy rate for Cuba was between 60–76%, with educational access in rural areas and a lack of instructors the main determining factors. As a result, the Cuban government at Guevara's behest dubbed 1961 the 'year of education' and mobilized over 100,000 volunteers into 'literacy brigades', who were then sent out into the countryside to construct schools, train new educators, and teach the predominantly illiterate guajiros (peasants) to read and write. Unlike many of Guevara's later economic initiatives, this campaign was 'a remarkable success'. By the completion of the, 707,212 adults had been taught to read and write, raising the national literacy rate to 96%.Accompanying literacy, Guevara was also concerned with establishing universal access to higher education. To accomplish this the new regime introduced to the universities. While announcing this new commitment, Guevara told the gathered faculty and students at the that the days when education was 'a privilege of the white middle class' had ended.
'The University' he said, 'must paint itself black, mulatto, worker, and peasant.' If it did not, he warned, the people were going to break down its doors 'and paint the University the colors they like.' Marxist ideological influence Part of on. — Che Guevara, Notes for the Study of the Ideology of the Cuban, October 1960In September 1960, when Guevara was asked about Cuba's ideology at the First Latin American Congress, he replied, 'If I were asked whether our revolution is Communist, I would define it as. Our revolution has discovered by its methods the paths that Marx pointed out.'
Consequently, when enacting and advocating Cuban policy, Guevara cited the political philosopher as his ideological inspiration. In defending his political stance, Guevara confidently remarked, 'There are truths so evident, so much a part of people's knowledge, that it is now useless to discuss them.
One ought to be Marxist with the same naturalness with which one is ' in, or ' in.' According to Guevara, the 'practical revolutionaries' of the Cuban Revolution had the goal of 'simply fulfill(ing) laws foreseen by Marx, the scientist.' Using Marx's predictions and system of, Guevara professed that 'The laws of are present in the events of the Cuban Revolution, independently of what its leaders profess or fully know of those laws from a theoretical point of view.' Economic vision and the 'New Man'Man truly achieves his full human condition when he produces without being compelled by the physical necessity of selling himself as a commodity. — Che Guevara, Man and Socialism in CubaAt this stage, Guevara acquired the additional position of Finance Minister, as well as President of the National Bank.
These appointments, combined with his existing position as Minister of Industries, placed Guevara at the zenith of his power, as the 'virtual czar' of the Cuban economy. As a consequence of his position at the head of the central bank, it became Guevara's duty to sign the Cuban currency, which per custom bore his signature. Instead of using his full name, he signed the bills solely ' Che'. It was through this symbolic act, which horrified many in the Cuban financial sector, that Guevara signaled his distaste for money and the class distinctions it brought about. Guevara's long time friend Ricardo Rojo later remarked that 'the day he signed Che on the bills, (he) literally knocked the props from under the widespread belief that money was sacred.' Guevara meeting with French philosophers and at his office in Havana, March 1960.
Sartre later wrote that Che was ' the most complete human being of our time'. In addition to Spanish, Guevara was fluent in French.In an effort to eliminate, Guevara and Cuba's new leadership had moved to swiftly transform the political and economic base of the country through factories, banks, and businesses, while attempting to ensure affordable housing, healthcare, and employment for all Cubans. However, in order for a genuine transformation of consciousness to take root, it was believed that such structural changes had to be accompanied by a conversion in people's.
Believing that the attitudes in Cuba towards race, women, and manual labor were the product of the island's outdated past, all individuals were urged to view each other as equals and take on the values of what Guevara termed 'el Hombre Nuevo' (the New Man). Guevara hoped his 'new man' to be ultimately 'selfless and cooperative, obedient and hard working, incorruptible, and '. To accomplish this, Guevara emphasized the tenets of, and wanted to use the state to emphasize qualities such as and, at the same time as 'unity, equality, and freedom' became the new maxims. Guevara's first desired economic goal of the new man, which coincided with his aversion for and, was to see a nationwide elimination of material incentives in favor of ones. He negatively viewed capitalism as a 'contest among wolves' where 'one can only win at the cost of others' and thus desired to see the creation of a 'new man and woman'. Guevara continually stressed that a socialist economy in itself is not 'worth the effort, sacrifice, and risks of war and destruction' if it ends up encouraging 'greed and individual ambition at the expense of '. A primary goal of Guevara's thus became to reform 'individual consciousness' and values to produce better workers and citizens.
In his view, Cuba's 'new man' would be able to overcome the ' and ' that he loathed and discerned was uniquely characteristic of individuals in capitalist societies. To promote this concept of a 'new man', the government also created a series of party-dominated institutions and mechanisms on all levels of society, which included organizations such as, and to promote state-sponsored art, music, and literature. In congruence with this, all educational, mass media, and artistic community based facilities were nationalized and utilized to instill the government's official ideology.
In describing this new method of 'development', Guevara stated:There is a great difference between free-enterprise development and revolutionary development. In one of them, wealth is concentrated in the hands of a fortunate few, the friends of the government, the best wheeler-dealers. In the other, wealth is the people's patrimony.A further integral part of fostering a sense of 'unity between the individual and the mass', Guevara believed, was volunteer work and will. To display this, Guevara 'led by example', working 'endlessly at his ministry job, in construction, and even cutting sugar cane' on his day off. He was known for working 36 hours at a stretch, calling meetings after midnight, and eating on the run.
Such behavior was emblematic of Guevara's new program of moral incentives, where each worker was now required to meet a quota and produce a certain quantity of goods. As a replacement for the pay increases abolished by Guevara, workers who exceeded their quota now only received a certificate of commendation, while workers who failed to meet their quotas were given a pay cut. Guevara unapologetically defended his personal philosophy towards motivation and work, stating. Guevara fishing off the coast of Havana, on May 15, 1960. Along with Castro, Guevara competed with expatriate author at what was known as the '.This is not a matter of how many pounds of meat one might be able to eat, or how many times a year someone can go to the beach, or how many ornaments from abroad one might be able to buy with his current salary. What really matters is that the individual feels more complete, with much more internal richness and much more responsibility.In the face of a loss of commercial connections with Western states, Guevara tried to replace them with closer commercial relationships with states, visiting a number of Marxist states and signing trade agreements with them.
At the end of 1960 he visited, the, North Korea, Hungary and and signed, for instance, a trade agreement in on December 17, 1960. Such agreements helped Cuba's economy to a certain degree but also had the disadvantage of a growing economic dependency on the Eastern Bloc. It was also in East Germany where Guevara met (later known as 'Tania'), who was assigned as his interpreter, and who joined him years later, and was killed with him in Bolivia.Whatever the merits or demerits of Guevara's economic principles, his programs were unsuccessful, and accompanied a rapid drop in productivity and a rapid rise in absenteeism.
In a meeting with French economist, Guevara blamed the inadequacy of the Agrarian Reform Law enacted by the Cuban government in 1959, which turned large plantations into farm or split up land amongst peasants. In Guevara's opinion, this situation continued to promote a 'heightened sense of individual ownership' in which workers could not see the positive social benefits of their labor, leading them to instead seek individual material gain as before.
Decades later, Che's former deputy Ernesto Betancourt, the director of, an early ally turned Castro-critic, accused Guevara of being 'ignorant of the most elementary economic principles.' In reference to the collective failings of Guevara's vision, reporter who interviewed Guevara twice during this time, remarked that he was ' not ', while opining that 'in a sense he was, like some early saint, taking refuge in the desert.
Only there could the purity of the faith be safeguarded from the unregenerate revisionism of '. Bay of Pigs, and missile crisis. Main articles: andOn April 17, 1961, 1,400 U.S.-trained Cuban exiles invaded Cuba during the. Guevara did not play a key role in the fighting, as one day before the invasion a warship carrying Marines faked an invasion off the West Coast of and drew forces commanded by Guevara to that region.
However, historians give him a share of credit for the victory as he was director of instruction for Cuba's armed forces at the time. Author in his explanation of the Cuban victory, assigns Guevara partial credit, stating: 'The revolutionaries won because Che Guevara, as the head of the Instruction Department of the Revolutionary Armed Forces in charge of the militia training program, had done so well in preparing 200,000 men and women for war.' It was also during this deployment that he suffered a bullet grazing to the cheek when his pistol fell out of its holster and accidentally discharged.
Countries Che Guevara visited (red) and those in which he participated in armed revolution (green)In December 1964, Che Guevara had emerged as a 'revolutionary statesman of world stature' and thus traveled to New York City as head of the Cuban delegation to speak at the United Nations. On December 11, 1964, during Guevara's hour-long, impassioned address at the UN, he criticized the United Nations' inability to confront the 'brutal ' in South Africa, asking 'Can the United Nations do nothing to stop this?' Guevara then denounced the, stating:Those who kill their own children and discriminate daily against them because of the color of their skin; those who let the murderers of blacks remain free, protecting them, and furthermore punishing the black population because they demand their legitimate rights as free men—how can those who do this consider themselves guardians of freedom?An indignant Guevara ended his speech by reciting the Second Declaration of Havana, decreeing Latin America a 'family of 200 million brothers who suffer the same miseries'. This 'epic', Guevara declared, would be written by the 'hungry Indian masses, peasants without land, exploited workers, and progressive masses'. To Guevara the conflict was a struggle of masses and ideas, which would be carried forth by those 'mistreated and scorned by ' who were previously considered 'a weak and submissive flock'.
With this 'flock', Guevara now asserted, 'Yankee monopoly capitalism' now terrifyingly saw their 'gravediggers'. It would be during this 'hour of vindication', Guevara pronounced, that the 'anonymous mass' would begin to write its own history 'with its own blood' and reclaim those 'rights that were laughed at by one and all for 500 years'. Guevara closed his remarks to the General Assembly by hypothesizing that this 'wave of anger' would 'sweep the lands of Latin America' and that the labor masses who 'turn the wheel of history' were now, for the first time, 'awakening from the long, brutalizing sleep to which they had been subjected'.Guevara later learned there had been two failed attempts on his life by during his stop at the UN complex. The first from Molly Gonzales, who tried to break through barricades upon his arrival with a seven-inch hunting knife, and later during his address by Guillermo Novo, who fired a timer-initiated bazooka from a boat in the at the, but missed and was off target. Afterwards Guevara commented on both incidents, stating that 'it is better to be killed by a woman with a knife than by a man with a gun', while adding with a languid wave of his cigar that the explosion had 'given the whole thing more flavor'. Characterized the psychological or philosophical manifestation of capitalist as and; the result of the of labor and the operation of the. For Guevara, the challenge was to replace the individuals' alienation from the, and the antagonism generated by class relations, with integration and, developing a to production and the concept of work as a social.—Helen Yaffe, author of Che Guevara: The Economics of RevolutionIn Guevara's private writings from this time (since released), he displays his growing criticism of the Soviet political economy, believing that the Soviets had 'forgotten '.
This led Guevara to denounce a range of Soviet practices including what he saw as their attempt to 'air-brush the inherent violence of integral to from capitalism to ', their 'dangerous' policy of with the United States, their failure to push for a 'change in consciousness' towards the idea of work, and their attempt to ' the socialist economy. Guevara wanted the complete elimination of money, the, and ': all conditions that the Soviets argued would only disappear when was achieved. Disagreeing with this incrementalist approach, Guevara criticized the Soviet Manual of Political Economy, correctly predicting that if USSR did not abolish the (as Guevara desired), it would eventually return to capitalism.Two weeks after his Algiers speech and his return to Cuba, Guevara dropped out of public life and then vanished altogether. His whereabouts were a great mystery in Cuba, as he was generally regarded as second in power to Castro himself. His disappearance was variously attributed to the failure of the Cuban industrialization scheme he had advocated while minister of industries, to pressure exerted on Castro by Soviet officials who disapproved of Guevara's pro- stance on the, and to serious differences between Guevara and the pragmatic Castro regarding Cuba's economic development and ideological line. Pressed by international speculation regarding Guevara's fate, Castro stated on June 16, 1965, that the people would be informed when Guevara himself wished to let them know.
Still, rumors spread both inside and outside Cuba concerning the missing Guevara's whereabouts.On October 3, 1965, Castro publicly revealed an undated letter purportedly written to him by Guevara around seven months earlier which was later titled Che Guevara's 'farewell letter'. In the letter, Guevara reaffirmed his enduring solidarity with the Cuban Revolution but declared his intention to leave Cuba to fight for the revolutionary cause abroad. Additionally, he resigned from all his positions in the Cuban government and communist party, and renounced his honorary Cuban citizenship. Monument to Guevara in, a turned operative, advised Bolivian troops during the hunt for Guevara in Bolivia.
In addition, the 2007 documentary My Enemy's Enemy alleges that war criminal advised and possibly helped the CIA orchestrate Guevara's eventual capture.On October 7, 1967, an informant apprised the Bolivian Special Forces of the location of Guevara's guerrilla encampment in the Yuro ravine. On the morning of October 8, they encircled the area with two battalions numbering 1,800 soldiers and advanced into the ravine triggering a battle where Guevara was wounded and taken prisoner while leading a detachment with. Che's biographer reports Bolivian Sergeant Bernardino Huanca's account: that as the Bolivian Rangers approached, a twice-wounded Guevara, his gun rendered useless, threw up his arms in surrender and shouted to the soldiers: 'Do not shoot! I am Che Guevara and I am worth more to you alive than dead.' There was no person more feared by the company (CIA) than Che Guevara because he had the capacity and charisma necessary to direct the struggle against the political repression of the traditional hierarchies in power in the countries of Latin America.—, CIA agent from 1957–1968, later defected to CubaGuevara was tied up and taken to a dilapidated mud schoolhouse in the nearby village of on the evening of October 8.
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For the next half day, Guevara refused to be interrogated by Bolivian officers and only spoke quietly to Bolivian soldiers. One of those Bolivian soldiers, a helicopter pilot named Jaime Nino de Guzman, describes Che as looking 'dreadful'. According to Guzman, Guevara was shot through the right calf, his hair was matted with dirt, his clothes were shredded, and his feet were covered in rough leather sheaths. Despite his haggard appearance, he recounts that 'Che held his head high, looked everyone straight in the eyes and asked only for something to smoke.' De Guzman states that he 'took pity' and gave him a small bag of tobacco for his pipe, and that Guevara then smiled and thanked him. Later on the night of October 8, Guevara—despite having his hands tied—kicked a Bolivian army officer, named Captain Espinosa, against a wall after the officer entered the schoolhouse and tried to snatch Guevara's pipe from his mouth as a souvenir while he was still smoking it. In another instance of defiance, Guevara spat in the face of Bolivian Rear Admiral Ugarteche, who attempted to question Guevara a few hours before his execution.The following morning on October 9, Guevara asked to see the school teacher of the village, a 22-year-old woman named Julia Cortez.
She later stated that she found Guevara to be an 'agreeable looking man with a soft and ironic glance' and that during their conversation she found herself 'unable to look him in the eye' because his 'gaze was unbearable, piercing, and so tranquil'. During their short conversation, Guevara pointed out to Cortez the poor condition of the schoolhouse, stating that it was 'anti-' to expect campesino students to be educated there, while 'government officials drive cars', and declaring 'that's what we are fighting against.' InIn late 1995, the retired General Mario Vargas revealed to, author of Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life, that Guevara's corpse lay near a airstrip. The result was a multi-national search for the remains, which lasted more than a year. In July 1997 a team of Cuban geologists and Argentine discovered the remnants of seven bodies in two mass graves, including one man with amputated hands (like Guevara).
Bolivian government officials with the Ministry of Interior later identified the body as Guevara when the excavated teeth 'perfectly matched' a plaster mold of Che's teeth made in Cuba prior to his Congolese expedition. The 'clincher' then arrived when Argentine forensic anthropologist Alejandro Inchaurregui inspected the inside hidden pocket of a blue jacket dug up next to the handless cadaver and found a small bag of pipe tobacco. Nino de Guzman, the Bolivian helicopter pilot who had given Che a small bag of tobacco, later remarked that he 'had serious doubts' at first and 'thought the Cubans would just find any old bones and call it Che'; but 'after hearing about the tobacco pouch, I have no doubts.' On October 17, 1997, Guevara's remains, with those of six of his fellow combatants, were laid to rest with military honors in a specially built in the Cuban city of, where he had commanded over the of the.In July 2008, the Bolivian government of unveiled Guevara's formerly-sealed diaries composed in two frayed notebooks, along with a logbook and several black-and-white photographs. At this event Bolivia's vice-minister of culture, Pablo Groux, expressed that there were plans to publish photographs of every handwritten page later in the year. Meanwhile, in August 2009 anthropologists working for Bolivia's Justice Ministry discovered and unearthed the bodies of five of Guevara's fellow guerrillas near the Bolivian town of.
Main articles: andThe discovery of Che's remains metonymically activated a series of interlinked associations—rebel, martyr, rogue figure from a picaresque adventure, savior, renegade, extremist—in which there was no fixed divide among them. The current court of opinion places Che on a continuum that teeters between viewing him as a misguided rebel, a coruscatingly brilliant guerrilla philosopher, a poet-warrior jousting at windmills, a brazen warrior who threw down the gauntlet to the bourgeoisie, the object of fervent paeans to his sainthood, or a mass murderer clothed in the guise of an avenging angel whose every action is imbricated in violence—the archetypal Fanatical Terrorist. A stylized graphic of Guevara's face on a flag above the words 'El Che Vive!' (Che Lives!)Guevara's life and legacy remain contentious.
The perceived contradictions of his ethos at various points in his life have created a complex character of duality, one who was 'able to wield the pen and submachine gun with equal skill', while prophesying that 'the most important revolutionary ambition was to see man liberated from '. Guevara's paradoxical standing is further complicated by his array of seemingly diametrically opposed qualities. A and sympathetic practitioner of medicine who did not hesitate to shoot his enemies, a celebrated leader who advocated violence to enforce a philosophy of the, an who loved literature but refused to allow dissent, an who was radically willing to forge a poverty-less new world on the apocalyptic ashes of the old one, and finally, an outspoken whose image has been. Che's history continues to be rewritten and re-imagined. Moreover, contends that the many facets of Guevara's life (i.e. Doctor and economist, revolutionary and banker, military theoretician and ambassador, deep thinker and political agitator) illuminated the rise of the 'Che myth', allowing him to be invariably crystallized in his many roles as a 'Red, of communism, new, Marxist, of, of the beggars.
And devil who haunts the dreams of the rich, kindling braziers of subversion all over the world'. The burning of a painting containing Che's face, following the that installed the in ChileAs such, various notable individuals have lauded Guevara as a great person; for example, referred to him as 'an inspiration for every human being who loves freedom', while described him as 'not only an intellectual but also the most complete human being of our age'. Others who have expressed their admiration include authors, who remarked that Guevara 'represented the idea of gallantry, chivalry, and adventure', and, who supposed that 'Che's goal was nothing less than the cause of humanity itself.'
In the community philosopher professed Guevara to be 'the world symbol of the possibilities of one man', while leader eulogized that 'Che Guevara is not dead, his ideas are with us.' Praise has been reflected throughout the political spectrum, with theorist extolling Guevara as a 'heroic figure' who 'more than any man of our epoch or even of our century, was the living embodiment of the principle of revolution', while journalist reminisced that 'Che's death meant a lot to me and countless like me at the time, he was a role model, albeit an impossible one for us insofar as he went and did what revolutionaries were meant to do—fought and died for his beliefs.' Author Michael Casey notes how has become a logo as recognizable as the or.Conversely, Jacobo Machover, an exiled opposition author, dismisses all praise of Guevara and portrays him as a callous executioner. Exiled former Cuban prisoners have expressed similar opinions, among them, who declared Guevara 'a man full of hatred' who executed dozens without trial, and, who asserted that Guevara possessed 'a mentality', wherein cruelty against the revolution's enemies was a virtue.
Of has hypothesized that Guevara's contemporary followers 'delude themselves by clinging to a myth', describing Guevara as a 'Marxist ' who employed his rigid power to suppress dissent, while also operating as a 'cold-blooded killing machine'. Llosa also accuses Guevara's 'fanatical disposition' as being the linchpin of the 'Sovietization' of the Cuban revolution, speculating that he possessed a 'total subordination of reality to blind ideological orthodoxy'. On a macro-level, research fellow regards Guevara more as a creation of his historical environment, referring to him as a 'fearless' and 'head-strong Messiah-like figure', who was the product of a -enamored which 'inclined people to seek out and follow miracle workers'. Ratliff further speculates that the economic conditions in the region suited Guevara's commitment to 'bring justice to the downtrodden by crushing centuries-old tyrannies'; describing Latin America as being plagued by what referred to as the 'legendary malignancies' of inequality, poverty, dysfunctional politics and malfunctioning institutions.
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Brazilian President decorated Guevara with the in 1961.In a mixed assessment, British historian opined that Guevara was a 'brave, sincere and determined man who was also obstinate, narrow, and dogmatic'. At the end of his life, according to Thomas, 'he seems to have become convinced of the virtues of violence for its own sake', while 'his influence over for good or evil' grew after his death, as Fidel took up many of his views. Similarly, the Cuban-American sociologist lauds Che Guevara as 'an honest and committed revolutionary', but also criticizes the fact that 'he never embraced socialism in its most democratic essence'. Nevertheless, Guevara remains a national hero in Cuba, where his image adorns the 3 banknote and school children begin each morning by pledging 'We will be like Che.'
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In his homeland of Argentina, where high schools bear his name, numerous Che museums dot the country and in 2008 a 12-foot (3.7 m) bronze statue of him was unveiled in the city of his birth, Rosario. Guevara has been by some Bolivian campesinos as ', who pray to him for assistance. In contrast, Guevara remains a hated figure amongst many in the and community of the United States, who view him with animosity as 'the butcher of '. Despite this polarized status, a high-contrast graphic of, created in 1968 by Irish artist, became a universally and objectified image, found on an endless array of items, including T-shirts, hats, posters, tattoos, and bikinis, contributing to the Guevara despised. Yet, he still remains a transcendent figure both in specifically political contexts and as a wide-ranging popular icon of youthful rebellion.
HonoursGuevara received several honors of state during his life. 1960: Knight Grand Cross of the. 1961: Knight Grand Cross of theTimeline.